Αναγνώστες
Πέμπτη 9 Ιουνίου 2011
Immanuel Maurice Wallerstein
ΠΗΓΗ:
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Immanuel_Wallerstein#Works
Terms and definitions
Capitalist World-System
This definition of Wallerstein follows Dependency Theory, which intended to combine the developments of the different societies since the 16th century in different regions into one collective development. The main characteristic of Wallerstein's definition is the development of a global division of labour, including the existence of independent political units (in this case states) at the same time. There is no political centre, compared to global empires like the Roman Empire; instead the capitalist world system is integrated on the world market. It is divided into core, semi-periphery and periphery, and is ruled by the capitalist method of production. The ideal type of market is capitalism.
Core/Periphery
Defines the difference between developed countries and developing countries, characterized e.g. by power or wealth. The core stands refers to developed countries, and the periphery is a synonym for the dependent developing countries. The main reason for the position of the developed countries is economic power.
Semi-periphery
Defines states that are located between core and periphery, they benefit from the periphery and have to contribute to the centre. Mostly these states are authoritarian, allowing the core to put oppressive measures on them.
Quotations
From Historical Capitalism with Capitalist Civilization, p. 98:
It is simply not true that capitalism as a historical system has represented progress over the various previous historical systems that it destroyed or transformed. Even as I write this, I feel the tremour that accompanies the sense of blasphemy. I fear the wrath of the gods, for I have been moulded in the same ideological forge as all my compeers and have worshipped at the same shrines.
From The Modern World-System, vol. I, p. 233:
In the sixteenth century, Europe was like a bucking bronco. The attempt of some groups to establish a world-economy based on a particular division of labor, to create national states in the core areas as politico-economic guarantors of this system, and to get the workers to pay not only the profits but the costs of maintaining the system was not easy. It was to Europe's credit that it was done, since without the thrust of the sixteenth century the modern world would not have been born and, for all its cruelties, it is better that it was born than that it had not been.
It is also to Europe's credit that it was not easy, and particularly that it was not easy because the people who paid the short-run costs screamed lustily at the unfairness of it all. The peasants and workers in Poland and England and Brazil and Mexico were all rambunctious in their various ways. As R. H. Tawney says of the agrarian disturbances of sixteenth-century England: 'Such movements are a proof of blood and sinew and of a high and gallant spirit. . . . Happy the nation whose people has not forgotten how to rebel.'
The mark of the modern world is the imagination of its profiteers and the counter-assertiveness of the oppressed. Exploitation and the refusal to accept exploitation as either inevitable or just constitute the continuing antinomy of the modern era, joined together in a dialectic which has far from reached its climax in the twentieth century.
Works
1961: Africa, The Politics of Independence. New York: Vintage Books.
1964: The Road to Independence: Ghana and the Ivory Coast. Paris & The Hague: Mouton.
1967: Africa: The Politics of Unity. New York: Random House.
1969: University in Turmoil: The Politics of Change. New York: Atheneum.
1972 (with Evelyn Jones Rich): Africa: Tradition & Change. New York: Random House.
1974: The Modern World-System, vol. I: Capitalist Agriculture and the Origins of the European World-Economy in the Sixteenth Century. New York/London: Academic Press.
1979: The Capitalist World-Economy. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
1980: The Modern World-System, vol. II: Mercantilism and the Consolidation of the European World-Economy, 1600-1750. New York: Academic Press.
1982 (with Terence K. Hopkins et al.): World-Systems Analysis: Theory and Methodology. Beverly Hills: Sage.
1982 (with Samir Amin, Giovanni Arrighi and Andre Gunder Frank): Dynamics of Global Crisis. London: Macmillan.
1983: Historical Capitalism. London: Verso.
1984: The Politics of the World-Economy. The States, the Movements and the Civilizations. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
1986: Africa and the Modern World. Trenton, NJ: Africa World Press.
1989: The Modern World-System, vol. III: The Second Great Expansion of the Capitalist World-Economy, 1730-1840's. San Diego: Academic Press.
1989 (with Giovanni Arrighi and Terence K. Hopkins): Antisystemic Movements. London: Verso.
1990 (with Samir Amin, Giovanni Arrighi and Andre Gunder Frank): Transforming the Revolution: Social Movements and the World-System. New York: Monthly Review Press.
1991 (with Étienne Balibar): Race, Nation, Class: Ambiguous Identities. London: Verso.
1991: Geopolitics and Geoculture: Essays on the Changing World-System. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press
1991: Unthinking Social Science: The Limits of Nineteenth Century Paradigms. Cambridge: Polity.
1995: After Liberalism. New York: New Press.
1995: Historical Capitalism, with Capitalist Civilization. London: Verso.
1998: Utopistics: Or, Historical Choices of the Twenty-first Century. New York: New Press.
1999: The End of the World As We Know It: Social Science for the Twenty-first Century. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press.
2003: Decline of American Power: The U.S. in a Chaotic World. New York: New Press.
2004: The Uncertainties of Knowledge. Philadelphia: Temple University Press.
2004: World-Systems Analysis: An Introduction. Durham, North Carolina: Duke University Press.
2004: Alternatives: The U.S. Confronts the World. Boulder, Colorado: Paradigm Press.
2006: European Universalism: The Rhetoric of Power. New York: New Press.
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